The Otona and Toshiyori within the Honganji Group of Faithful:

Within the Monto, persons known as `otona` or `toshiyori` served as the leaders of the group of faithful. They possessed the final authority in regards to actions that the Monto would take. Their presence can also be seen within those persons known as otona and toshiyori who existed within the sō village organization. However in regard to the ikkō ikki and other ikki, the difference between the two types of village leader have been difficult to discern. While it is possible that village leaders such as otona and toshiyori were a composite of many different aspects of local society, as they were the focal point of the ikkō ikki, what made them different to others was their adherence to the Shinshū Monto.(131)

In the case of those persons known as `toshiyori` within the Honganji organization, one must quote a passage from the eighth Hossu of Honganji, Rennyo, in relation to the position of toshiyori regarding the spread of the faith:
栄玄聞書
一　蓮如上人ツネ～仰ラレ候、三人マツ法義二ナシタキモノカアルト仰ラレ候、ソノ三人トハ坊主ト年老ト長ト、此三人サヘ在所～ニシテ仏法二本付キ候ハバ、余ノスエ～ノ人ハミナ法義二ナリ、仏法繁昌テアラウスルヨト仰ラレ候
This is a particularly famous passage from the Eigen Bunsho. In order to spread the Shinshū faith, those persons to whom the message must be conveyed were the priests, the elders, and the village leaders. If these three persons took the message of Honganji Buddhism to heart where they lived, all of the `other` residents would convert, in which case they would bring about the `prosperity` of the Buddhist Law. In other words, these three persons were the most important part of the process of conversion of the masses as far as Rennyo was concerned. This is of course a verbal record, hence one could question whether or not it was based on fact, yet at the very least as far as the people who heard Rennyo`s message were concerned, the above passage conveyed the substance of Rennyo`s thought. (132)

As for the priesthood, their position was as stated, yet in the case of the toshiyori and otona, what type of person was Rennyo pointing to when he stated that their conversion was so vital to the success of Honganji? In the case of most villages, the toshiyori and otona constituted part of the classes that made up the internal village structure. In the case of the Miyaza (the council of the village and responsible for its spiritual affairs), in the midst of those persons who made up the zashū council, the toshiyori were highest placed. Amongst the village groups, it was the otona who held pride of place (this observation is based on an analysis of Sonobe Yasuki of village structures). Using Sonobe`s description and applying it to the Eigen Bunsho, it is clear that the toshiyori and otona referred to in the tract were part of the internal village class structure. What one must be careful of, however, is that the Miyaza were (as described above) part of the grouping responsible for the religious festivities conducted by the village. Based on the region and circumstances, this did not hold true in all situations, yet what we can at least see is that there was a division between the religiously influenced class (the toshiyori), and the secular based class (the otona).(132-33)

As also pointed out by Kinryū Shizuka, the priesthood would possess either the name of a temple or place of worship, whereas the toshiyori would have an acolytes` (or priest-like) name. The otona would then possess a secular name. Thus what we have understood to be the division between classes of priests, toshiyori, and otona within the village structure were referred to differently within the Honganji group of faithful. In the case of the Eigen Bunsho, positions were not, at the stage referred to in the text, firmly set within the Honganji institution, hence this leaves us with some room to consider that the names used in the text refer to various levels of class within the village structure.(133) Yet what must be remembered in relation to Prof.Kinryu`s observation is that the toshiyori referred to as part of the Honganji organization differed from the toshiyori that existed within local villages. Both Professors Sonobe and Kinryū have their own views in relation to the toshiyoshi and otona and how one should regard them, and it is true to say that what they agree on is that there was a religious aspect and a secular aspect to their classes. Yet is it possible to make such a clear division between both classes? Moreover, were both classes so readily separated within the Monto organization? (133)

In regards to the otona, what type of person held this class within the Honganji Monto? In order to examine this, the author proposes to look at the nature of the otona as it appeared during the fifteenth century, when the basis for the Sengoku era group of faithful was being formed, the era of Shōnyo. The direction the Monto took can be discerned within the record that Shōnyo himself wrote, called the `Tenbun Nikki` (or Tenbun Gonikki, or else the Shōnyo Shōnin Nikki). Using twelve examples drawn from this work, we can examine their content to understand the nature of the `otona shū`. This title did not refer to one person, but to a group of people of similar social standing.(133-134) Each will be referred to in accordance with the position in which they appear in the diary.(134)
1) Within Harima Eiga there is an otona shū consisting of six men. Among (these men), a certain Sumiya and Kanpei have died, thus a condolence sum of 1,000 hiki shall be sent (Tenbun 5.3.30)
2) When deciding on gifts and information related to the Akamatsu family of Harima, if any gifts or correspondence are addressed to Uno Echizen no Kami, it is hereby declared that this shall be passed on after the person known as Gokan Gorō Saei`mon and the otona shū of Eiga have discussed the matter(Tenbun 5.4.3)(134)
３）In regards to the withdrawal of the person known as Rokkagen Uei`mon and another by that name known as Shinei`mon from their previous positions, this is related to a request made to Shōnyo. At the time, in referring to the positions of the `five men of the kumi otona shū` and `both of the other brothers`, it was stated that (such a decision) `depended on them`, that is to say, it was up to them whether they wished to resign their positions to Shōnyo. At that time, Shōnyo did not give an immediate answer, hence for a while all that was said was that the positions be retained. (Tenbun 7.8.16) 
4) In the eighth year of Tenbun, the Enuma gun of Kaga province held a debate over the person known as Kazushima Shinpe`ei and his property. A decision regarding this matter was made at Honganji, however at the time, not one of the otona shū had traveled to the capital, and instead had sent lesser vassals. This provoked the anger of Shōnyo, who stated that they had `gone beyond all precedent` (in sending their inferiors) (Tenbun 8.12.18)
5) In the eleventh year of Tenbun, 31 priests had been called to attend a ritual ceremony, of which two (of the priests) were members of the Kaga otona shū (Tenbun 11.8.20) In the year Tenbun twelve the child Kennyo was born. The Kaga otona shū, who were linked to sending messages of felicitations and joy, at the time `were the hatamoto shū, or at least an equivalent shū`. It was revealed that they (the otona shū) possessed a hatamoto type of character (Tenbun 12.2.12)
6) The otona shū of Kaga were called to a Nō performance (Tenbun 12.2.19)
7) A person by the name of Fukuda Tango was to deliver a sword as a message to Hosokawa Mototsune, however Shōnyo cautioned that Fukuda `was not one of the otona shū` (Tenbun 12.10.11)
8) Shōnyo was invited to the opening of a new temple at Amagasaki, and so he climbed aboard a roofed boat and proceeded to go fishing (among other things). The invitation to the opening of the new temple came from the Rokkagō shū (六ヶ郷), with the Rokkagō otona shū as its leaders. They received a celebratory sake cup from Shōnyo(134-135)
9) An order has been given for the building of a dōjō at Daibutsuura near Amagasaki. This dōjō had been torn down not long after it was previously built, for the Nichiren sect objected to the fact that the dōjō encroached upon the land of Amagasaki Jinja, which acted as a bulwark at the back of Hongyōji. Hence a decision has been made to rebuild the dōjō. The Daibutsu otona shū have pledged their lives to this task (Tenbun 21.2.6)
10) The Togashi have confiscated Hikuniji (比丘尼寺), a affiliate temple of Kaga Ishikawa Shimogumi (下組) Eijuin (永寿院). As for how to deal with the priests in residence, a request from the otona shū in residence (在所の長衆) asking for permission to scatter the priests has reached Shōnyo (Tenbun 22.5.18)
11) Both the priestly shū and the Kaga otona shū eat `yuzuke` (chatsuke). Yet here they call it `until one sets off for the kumi` (組へ出衆迄) (Tenbun 22.9.4)
12)In relation to the successor to Shōyū (証祐) of Honzenji (本善寺), the otona of the Sōchū (惣中) have put forward 9 candidates. The matter has been taken to Shōnyo, with a message containing combined signatures asking that he (Shōnyo) make the decision.(Tenbun 23.4.27) (134-135)

These are the articles within the Tenbun Nikki dealing with the otona. What we can discern from them is that they were representatives of the Monto and held the right to make resolutions on behalf of the sō village, and held joint positions depending on the circumstances. In relation to litigation involving them, the right to pass judgement over them was allocated to Shōnyo of Honganji. However, what these excerpts don`t tell us is whether they were part of the Monto or not. All we can say is that the otona shū were the representatives of a united group or body. The otona shū that appear in the Tenbun Nikki certainly appear to be the main body in charge at the local level, the middle part of a system of laws and political bodies tied to the authority of the head of the sect and landlord.(136)

Yet what about the toshiyori that appear in the Tenbun Nikki? Can any difference between them and the otona shū be revealed? In regards to this, a number of examples (10 to be exact) have been drawn from the Tenbun Nikki (including passages from Tenbun 7.2.6, 11.7.27, 12.1.7, 12.1.20, 15.12.21, 16.8.10, 17.7.27, 20.2.5, 20.7.11, 23.7.11, 20.12.14, 23.2.22). As regards the special characteristics of the above passages, a majority of the toshiyori shū that appear in these texts are representatives of the many town community groups that exist within the precinct of the Osaka temple. On the other hand, the name `toshiyori` is given to retainers of warrior houses as well. This can be contrasted with the fairly unclear definition of the character of the otona. Also, with regard to source No.1 (which is as follows)

1. Negotiations were made with Kizawa (木沢) with regard to the return of the two temples of Kuhōji (久宝寺) and the Deguchibō (出口坊　光善寺) which were surrendered during the disturbance in Kawachi. The fact that Kizawa did not agree to the return was made known to `both of the toshiyori` (Tenbun 7.2.6) As a result of a meeting of the toshiyori, a decision was made by which a message would be delivered to Kizawa from Shōnyo (Tenbun 7.2.8)

In this case, the problem in Kawachi seems to have involved each and every toshiyori shū affiliated with each temple. Those persons known as toshiyori within the Tenbun Nikki, apart from those toshiyori affiliated with warrior houses, refers to the representatives of the town joint affairs committee. With regard to the point about being called `compatriots` (相伴), this was the same as the Kaga otona shū, and was the same as the example from the Daibutsu otona shū of Amagasaki. However the persons called toshiyori here were not referred to as otona. In regions that formed part of the temple town, particularly those temples with close relations with Honganji, it seems that the former title was preferred. So how can we tell the difference between otona and toshiyori? No matter what the circumstance, either title referred to a representative of a local joint affairs committee. There may have been some degree of difference in the name when applied to regions or joint affairs committees, and taking a step forward in order to reveal greater differences, rather than toshiyori being a term applied to representatives of town joint affairs committees for temples with close ties to Honganji, it is quite possible that based upon the `town logic` of Honganji, those persons of the joint affairs committee who had absorbed this ideology might then have been called `toshiyori`.(138)